http://mrunal.org/2013/12/download-general-studies-paper2polity-ir-of-upsc-civil-service-mains-exam-2013-topicwise-separated-original-scan-uploaded.html
http://mrunal.org/2013/12/download-general-studies-paper1-of-upsc-civil-service-mains-exam-2013-topicwise-separated-original-scan-uploaded.html
http://mrunal.org/2013/12/download-compulsory-english-2013-question-paper-of-upsc-civil-service-mains-exam-last-17-years-as-bonus1997-2013.html
http://mrunal.org/2013/12/download-essay-2013-question-paper-of-upsc-civil-service-mains-last-21-years-essay-papers-in-bonus-1993-2013.html
Wednesday, December 4, 2013
Wednesday, November 13, 2013
Important links on various topics
http://mrunal.org/2013/11/sci-tech-dept-s-annual-report-summary-part-4-of-4-mapping-international-collaboration-awareness-awards.html
http://mrunal.org/2013/11/sci-tech-dept-s-annual-report-summarypart3-of-4-scst-welfare-women-hrd-states-cooperation-ppp-collaborations.html
http://mrunal.org/2013/11/sci-tech-dept-s-annual-report-summarypart2-of-4-healthcare-construction-textile-electronics-plasma-nano.html
http://mrunal.org/2013/11/sci-tech-dept-s-annual-report-summarypart1-of-4-agro-environment-solar-and-water-related-projects-inventions-research.html
http://mrunal.org/2013/11/land-reforms-consolidation-of-land-holdings-cooperative-farming-computerization-of-land-records-features-benefits-limitations.html
http://mrunal.org/2013/11/sci-tech-dept-s-annual-report-summarypart3-of-4-scst-welfare-women-hrd-states-cooperation-ppp-collaborations.html
http://mrunal.org/2013/11/sci-tech-dept-s-annual-report-summarypart2-of-4-healthcare-construction-textile-electronics-plasma-nano.html
http://mrunal.org/2013/11/sci-tech-dept-s-annual-report-summarypart1-of-4-agro-environment-solar-and-water-related-projects-inventions-research.html
http://mrunal.org/2013/11/land-reforms-consolidation-of-land-holdings-cooperative-farming-computerization-of-land-records-features-benefits-limitations.html
Wednesday, October 30, 2013
Bills gather dust
Bills gather dust
Source: The Statesman
It should not be taken for granted that the foreign providers are the panacea in a country where quality is at a premium. A large number of universities chronically suffer from mediocrity. It will be really difficult for these institutions to compete with universities in the most developed countries. It is feared that the entry of foreign universities in India would lead to commercialisation without raising competitiveness in the system
Rafts of bills on higher education envisage a dramatic revamp. Regretfully, these bills are gathering dust for nearly four years. It is a matter of concern that nothing has changed in the field of higher education for a long time. It is time for the Centre to act.
Let us examine the draft bills, notably the National Accreditation Regulatory Authority for Higher Educational Institutions Bill, 2010; and Prohibition of Unfair Practices in Technical Educational Institutions and Universities Bill, 2010. Both bills provide for jail terms and stiff fines to ensure that colleges and universities obtain accreditation before and not after starting their courses. They should also refrain from making exaggerated claims to attract students. Private institutions can be fined Rs 1 crore and their promoters sent to prison for publishing misleading brochures or charging capitation fees. Promoters may be imprisoned for an oversight, such as an inaccurate description of the campus area or over a salary dispute. It will not be feasible for general colleges to pay a hefty amount as fine simply because they are not rolling in money. Considering the global situation, nowhere in the world is prior accreditation mandatory. Nor for the matter is non-accreditation deemed a criminal offence.
Accreditation is handled by two agencies ~ NAAC, an autonomous entity under the UGC, and the National Board of Education, which is part of the All India Council for Technical Education. The bill might lead to multiple agencies for granting accreditation. Therefore, it may be some time before the law is effective and the credibility of accreditation may get diluted in the process.
The bill on unfair practices attempts to check unscrupulous and fly-by-night operators and renders capitation fees illegal. But it does not mention how to ensure that capitation fees will not be charged at all. The illegal fees are not accepted openly and parents would hardly come forward to complain.
The third bill ~ Educational Tribunals Bill, 2010 ~ mandates that state level and national tribunals, rather than the courts, should rule on disputes in the sector and impose tough penalties on anyone flouting the orders of the tribunals. In fact, the tribunals were recommended as far back as 1986 in the National Policy on Education. The bill provides for national and state level tribunals to decide on various categories of disputes relating to service matters, affiliation and unfair practices. But it is feared that it may not be feasible to set up so many tribunals.
The draft Higher Education and Research Bill promises to promote greater autonomy in higher educational institutions. But it does not seem to be an improvement over an earlier version called the National Commission for Higher Education and Research (NCHER), which had been widely criticised for over-centralisation and bureaucratisation of the education system. It had also sought to curb the role of state governments. Since no institution can confer a degree without a declaration from the NCHER, states do not have the freedom to set up universities. The bill, far from decentralising the system, will centralise it further, and might eventually dilute the autonomy of institutions of higher learning.
The objective of the Universities for Research and Innovation Bill is to give a fillip to research and development by setting up specialised universities for the purpose. The objectives are admittedly noble, but there is no mention as to how compliance by these universities would be measured or rated. A process of quality control needs unequivocally to be defined. Moreover, it empowers the Union government to encourage universities to go in for collaboration with foreign universities.
The Foreign Educational Institutions (Regulation of Entry and Operation) Bill will stipulate rules to allow foreign universities to operate in India. Academics are sceptical about two of its provisions ~ (a) they should set up a corpus of Rs 50 crore; and (b) that they should not repatriate profits. The bill does not mention whether foreign universities will have to abide by caps on fees charged or regulations on teachers’ salaries.
Some of the provisions in the Bill, such as the requirement of setting up a corpus fund of Rs 50 crore and denial of permission to repatriate any part of the surplus revenue may seem to be too restrictive to foreign providers, and could make them opt for foreign direct investment through the conventional route. There would be no difficulty as such to offer training or vocational programmes leading to certificates of proficiency. At a time when there is a demand to delink jobs from degrees, the foreign providers are likely to exploit the situation.
It should not be taken for granted that the foreign providers are the panacea in a country where quality is at a premium. A large number of universities chronically suffer from mediocrity. It will be really difficult for these institutions to compete with universities in the most developed countries. It is feared that the entry of foreign universities in India would lead to commercialisation without raising competitiveness in the system.
In India, we have been in the process of encouraging FDI not only in the development sectors, but in the retail segment as well. The idea is to tap foreign funds with incidental advantages of technology transfer, job opportunities and benefits to domestic firms and consumers. But since education should not be made a tradable commodity, the implications of FDI in the higher educational sector call for reflection and careful handling.
On a higher trajectory
On a higher trajectory
Source: By Gurmeet Kanwal: Deccan Herald
The major implication of the pact is that the US will treat India just like the UK, which is an alliance partner.
Contrary to most of the commentary that has appeared in the Indian media, the Obama-Manmohan Singh meeting at the White House was unexpectedly successful in setting the Indo-US strategic partnership on the path to a higher trajectory in the long term. The joint statement issued after the meeting and the Joint Declaration on Defence Cooperation endorsed by the two leaders have the potential to perceptibly shape the future contours of the relationship to mutual benefit.
The most notable achievement of the summit was in the field of defence cooperation and, more particularly, defence trade. President Obama and prime minister Manmohan Singh called for “expanding security cooperation between the United States and India to address 21st century challenges.” In an unexpected move the two leaders endorsed a Joint Declaration on Defence Cooperation “as a means of enhancing their partnership in defence technology transfer, joint research, co-development and co-production.” They decided to significantly enhance cooperation in combatting terrorism. President Obama appreciated India’s decision to participate in the Rim of the Pacific (Rimpac) naval exercise to be hosted by US Pacific Command in 2014.
For several decades, India’s procurement of weapons platforms and other equipment as part of its plans for defence modernisation has remained mired in disadvantageous buyer-seller, patron-client relationships like that with the erstwhile Soviet Union and now Russia. While India has been manufacturing Russian fighter aircraft and tanks under licence for many years, the Russians never actually transferred weapons technology to India. There is now realisation in India that future defence acquisitions must simultaneously lead to a transformative change in the country’s defence technology base and manufacturing prowess.
The country has now diversified its acquisition sources beyond Russia to western countries and Israel. From the US, India has purchased weapons platforms and other items of defence equipment worth USD 10 billion over the last five years. Major procurements have included the troop carrier ship INS Jalashva (USS Trenton), six C-130J Super Hercules aircraft for India’s Special Forces, ten C-17 Globemaster heavy lift transport aircraft, 12 Boeing P-8I Poseidon long-range maritime reconnaissance aircraft and 12 AN-TPQ37 Weapon Locating Radars. Another six C-130J and seven C-17 aircraft are expected to be purchased over the next few years. Also in the acquisition pipeline are M-777 light artillery howitzers, Apache attack helicopters and Chinook medium lift helicopters.
However, none of the recent deals with the US have included transfer-of-technology (ToT) clauses. It is imperative that whatever India procures now must be procured with a ToT clause being built into the contract even if it means having to pay a higher price. The aim is to make India a design, development, manufacturing and export hub for defence equipment in two to three decades.
Stumbling blocks
This is indeed a landmark agreement that has codified previously expressed intentions. The major implication of this agreement is that the US will treat India just like the United Kingdom, which is an alliance partner, without India having to enter into a military alliance with the US. Also, presumably, India will not have to sign the CISMOA, BECA and LSA agreements that have been major stumbling blocks in the past and about which it has differences of perception with the US. India is hungry for cutting edge state-of-the-art defence technology and this agreement will help to a large extent to fulfil India’s hi-tech requirement. On its part, the US will secure lucrative defence contracts for its leading defence companies. This will give a fillip to the flagging economy and help to create jobs.
During his visit to India shortly before the Washington summit in September 2013, deputy secretary of defence Ashton Carter is reported to have offered India a “Defence Trade and Technology Initiative” under which the US will share sensitive cutting edge defence technology with India and to permit US companies to enter into joint production and co-development ventures with India. Subsequently, it was reported that Carter had offered a list of ten key technologies to India. "These include a maritime helo, a naval gun, a surface-to-air missile system, and a scatterable anti-tank system,” Carter said. "We changed our mind-set around technology transfer to India in the Department of Defence from a culture of presumptive no to one of presumptive yes," he said.
The Javelin anti-tank guided missile (ATGM) is also a key candidate for joint production though so far the US has been hesitant to offer its seeker technology. India is also looking for high-end counter-IED technologies. In future, the two countries will conduct joint research and development for new weapons systems and the US may offer even nuclear power packs for submarines and aircraft carriers and fighter aircraft engines. Cooperation of such a high order will raise India’s technology base by an order of magnitude and help the country to move several notches higher in its quest for self-reliance in defence production.
According to Shiv Shankar Menon, India’s National Security Advisor, the two countries now have a “Full spectrum relationship… the relationship has all the attributes of a strong and comprehensive strategic partnership.” In the years ahead, India and the US are bound to build further on the beneficial achievements of the last decade. Naturally, there will occasionally be some bumps on the highway, but there is reason to believe that the institutional mechanisms that are already in place will succeed in overcoming the obstacles that come up.
The major implication of the pact is that the US will treat India just like the UK, which is an alliance partner.
Contrary to most of the commentary that has appeared in the Indian media, the Obama-Manmohan Singh meeting at the White House was unexpectedly successful in setting the Indo-US strategic partnership on the path to a higher trajectory in the long term. The joint statement issued after the meeting and the Joint Declaration on Defence Cooperation endorsed by the two leaders have the potential to perceptibly shape the future contours of the relationship to mutual benefit.
The most notable achievement of the summit was in the field of defence cooperation and, more particularly, defence trade. President Obama and prime minister Manmohan Singh called for “expanding security cooperation between the United States and India to address 21st century challenges.” In an unexpected move the two leaders endorsed a Joint Declaration on Defence Cooperation “as a means of enhancing their partnership in defence technology transfer, joint research, co-development and co-production.” They decided to significantly enhance cooperation in combatting terrorism. President Obama appreciated India’s decision to participate in the Rim of the Pacific (Rimpac) naval exercise to be hosted by US Pacific Command in 2014.
For several decades, India’s procurement of weapons platforms and other equipment as part of its plans for defence modernisation has remained mired in disadvantageous buyer-seller, patron-client relationships like that with the erstwhile Soviet Union and now Russia. While India has been manufacturing Russian fighter aircraft and tanks under licence for many years, the Russians never actually transferred weapons technology to India. There is now realisation in India that future defence acquisitions must simultaneously lead to a transformative change in the country’s defence technology base and manufacturing prowess.
The country has now diversified its acquisition sources beyond Russia to western countries and Israel. From the US, India has purchased weapons platforms and other items of defence equipment worth USD 10 billion over the last five years. Major procurements have included the troop carrier ship INS Jalashva (USS Trenton), six C-130J Super Hercules aircraft for India’s Special Forces, ten C-17 Globemaster heavy lift transport aircraft, 12 Boeing P-8I Poseidon long-range maritime reconnaissance aircraft and 12 AN-TPQ37 Weapon Locating Radars. Another six C-130J and seven C-17 aircraft are expected to be purchased over the next few years. Also in the acquisition pipeline are M-777 light artillery howitzers, Apache attack helicopters and Chinook medium lift helicopters.
However, none of the recent deals with the US have included transfer-of-technology (ToT) clauses. It is imperative that whatever India procures now must be procured with a ToT clause being built into the contract even if it means having to pay a higher price. The aim is to make India a design, development, manufacturing and export hub for defence equipment in two to three decades.
Stumbling blocks
This is indeed a landmark agreement that has codified previously expressed intentions. The major implication of this agreement is that the US will treat India just like the United Kingdom, which is an alliance partner, without India having to enter into a military alliance with the US. Also, presumably, India will not have to sign the CISMOA, BECA and LSA agreements that have been major stumbling blocks in the past and about which it has differences of perception with the US. India is hungry for cutting edge state-of-the-art defence technology and this agreement will help to a large extent to fulfil India’s hi-tech requirement. On its part, the US will secure lucrative defence contracts for its leading defence companies. This will give a fillip to the flagging economy and help to create jobs.
During his visit to India shortly before the Washington summit in September 2013, deputy secretary of defence Ashton Carter is reported to have offered India a “Defence Trade and Technology Initiative” under which the US will share sensitive cutting edge defence technology with India and to permit US companies to enter into joint production and co-development ventures with India. Subsequently, it was reported that Carter had offered a list of ten key technologies to India. "These include a maritime helo, a naval gun, a surface-to-air missile system, and a scatterable anti-tank system,” Carter said. "We changed our mind-set around technology transfer to India in the Department of Defence from a culture of presumptive no to one of presumptive yes," he said.
The Javelin anti-tank guided missile (ATGM) is also a key candidate for joint production though so far the US has been hesitant to offer its seeker technology. India is also looking for high-end counter-IED technologies. In future, the two countries will conduct joint research and development for new weapons systems and the US may offer even nuclear power packs for submarines and aircraft carriers and fighter aircraft engines. Cooperation of such a high order will raise India’s technology base by an order of magnitude and help the country to move several notches higher in its quest for self-reliance in defence production.
According to Shiv Shankar Menon, India’s National Security Advisor, the two countries now have a “Full spectrum relationship… the relationship has all the attributes of a strong and comprehensive strategic partnership.” In the years ahead, India and the US are bound to build further on the beneficial achievements of the last decade. Naturally, there will occasionally be some bumps on the highway, but there is reason to believe that the institutional mechanisms that are already in place will succeed in overcoming the obstacles that come up.
The PDS monstrosity
The PDS monstrosity
Source: By Jaydev Jana: The Statesman
To say that starvation depends ‘not merely’ on food supply but also on its ‘distribution’ would be correct enough, though not remarkably helpful. The important question then would be: what determines distribution of food between different sections of the community? ~ Amartya Sen, Poverty and Famines
Starvation in India is not the outcome of insufficient food. The actual problem is to deliver the food to those who need it. India’s chance of winning the battle against hunger through the implementation of the National Food Security Act (NFSA) depends predominantly on a radical overhaul ~ or, ideally, dismantling ~ of the economic monstrosity that masquerades as the Public Distribution System. The PDS is a leaky sieve. Around 53 per cent of subsidised wheat and 39 per cent of subsidised rice do not reach the targeted beneficiaries. Foodgrain is pilfered or diverted to the open market, as reported to Parliament by the Government of India in September 2011. Apart from diversion or leakages, a substantial amount of buffer stock gets damaged due to poor storage. An estimated 36,000 MT of foodgrain procured by the Food Corporation of India (FCI) for the PDS have rotted since 2008. This is enough to feed around 14 crore people at the rate of 250 grams per capita per day ~ a standard rate of daily consumption , as set by WHO. Waste of foodgrain co-exists with widespread hunger. Despite these systemic inadequacies, the NFSA sees the PDS as a good enough conduit to ensure food security to the hungry. Without a major reform of the system, the promise of making India hunger-free is likely to go haywire.
Besides foodgrain, highly subsidised blue-dyed kerosene is also distributed through PDS. Total diversion / leakage of PDS kerosene was estimated to be as high as 39 per cent of the total sale in 2004 by NCAER on the basis of a comprehensive study in 2005. The Public Distribution System was introduced by the British in Bombay in 1939 to ensure equitable distribution of foodgrain to urban consumers through a chain of subsidised shops. This, it was hoped, would check speculative activities. In the wake of the Great Bengal Famine it took the form of a regular ‘Rationing System’ in Calcutta and its industrial hinterland in 1943. Over the years, it has been downsized from ‘semi-universal’ to ‘Revamped PDS (RPDS)’ for “poor areas” (1992). Subsequently, it was remodelled as ‘Targeted PDS’ (TPDS) in 1997. Presently, with a network of more than 4.62 lakh fair-price shops distributing subsidised foodgrain and kerosene worth more than Rs 30,000 crore annually to about 180 million families, TPDS is perhaps the largest distribution network of its kind in the world.
Regretfully, the system is very badly managed. Genuine persons / households are deprived of their right to be identified as beneficiaries. This is because the errors of exclusion (of the poor) and the errors of inclusion (of the “non-poor”) have marred the method of identification. No wonder the PDS has been trivialised as ‘Public Deprived System’ by critics. The enrolled beneficiaries are not receiving PDS commodities regularly because of large-scale diversion, the extensive circulation of bogus, ‘ghost’, duplicate and ‘misclassified’ cards. Ironically, the operation of the Public Distribution System runs counter to democratic compulsions. To assess the effectiveness of Targeted PDS, the government sponsored evaluation studies by (i) Programme Evaluation Organisation (PEO) of the Planning Commission (March 2005); (ii) ORG-MARG (September 2005); (iii) NCAER (November 2007 and January 2009); and (iv) IIPA (October 2010 and February 2011). The PEO study found that nearly 58 per cent of the subsidized foodgrain issued from the central pool failed to reach the BPL families owing to identification errors, non-transparent operation and unethical practices. It estimated that for one rupee worth of income transfer to the targeted beneficiaries, the Government of India spent Rs. 3.65, indicating that one rupee of budgetary consumer subsidy was worth only 27 paise to the poor.
The study group also classified 16 States. The States were divided into five categories in terms of total leakage of PDS grain ~ States with abnormal leakage (more than 75 per cent): Bihar and Punjab; very high leakage (50 - 75 per cent): Haryana, MP and UP; high leakage (25-50 per cent): Assam, Gujarat, Himachal Pradesh, Karnataka, Maharashtra and Rajasthan; low leakage (less than 25 per cent): AP, Kerala, Odisha, Tamil Nadu and West Bengal. The ORG MARG study reported average diversion of 39 per cent of rice and 53 per cent of wheat. Its report also revealed diversions of wheat in Assam, Arunachal Pradesh, Haryana, and Chhattisgarh to the tune of 100 per cent, 96 per cent, 74 per cent and 71 per cent respectively. Reports of evaluation studies undertaken by the National Council for Applied Economic Research (NCAER) and the IIPA also revealed the dismal performance of Targeted PDS. Targeting/identification of the poor is like a hit-and-miss strategy because of three crucial infirmities. First, is there a method of flawless enumeration of poverty levels? Second, given the diverse socio-economic, cultural and geographical factors, there cannot be a fixed and absolute line dividing the poor and “not-poor”. Third, the existing method to identify the poor is like giving a person a pair of shoes and asking him to wear it regardless of the size. Consequently, TPDS is plagued by huge Exclusion Errors (of BPL) and Inclusion Errors (of APL). However, to minimise inclusion and exclusion errors, some States have moved towards a more inclusive PDS. Tamil Nadu has gone all the way to a universal PDS and other States that have made significant progress towards a universal or quasi-universal PDS (at least in rural areas) are Andhra Pradesh, Chhattisgarh, Himachal Pradesh, Kerala, Odisha, and Rajasthan. The inclusive approach, rather a broad-based PDS, shows better results in terms of general functioning and impact on poverty (NSS data).
In order to reform the PDS, the Central Vigilance Commission under the Chairmanship of Justice (retd.) DP Wadhwa had recommended “least human intervention and end-to-end automation and computerisation of the complete PDS chain”. The expert committee on the National Food Security Bill and the Task Force headed by Nandan Nilekani have also recommended a comprehensive computerisation of PDS and replacement of existing cards by Aadhaar-based/biometric/holographic ration cards to address such problems as leakages, rampant use of bogus cards, and duplicate cards. On the flip side, technology cannot be a silver bullet if there is no working gun to fire from. Technological intervention can on occasion be subverted. The performance of the existing PDS appears to be a typical case of the glass being half full and half empty at the same time. Though corruption is deeply entrenched in the system, it does not mean that the system is irredeemably lost. It would be less than fair to assume that people are like robots that can perform the task flawlessly. Any attempt at reform must examine whether the failure of the system is due to its design or is it because of poor governance. If it is the former, it makes sense to reform or even replace the system. If it is the latter, it is the strong political will that matters most of all. When the political masters firmly direct the bureaucracy to fix a dysfunctional system, things begin to change. Chhattisgarh and Tamil Nadu are two notable examples.
In terms of food security, the government can deliver double the benefit to the poor and at half the cost by reforming the PDS suitably. The money saved out of the calculated cost of implementing the NFSA can be spent on productive activities, such as building human capital, infrastructure etc. Reforming the PDS can open up a wide range of beneficial provisions. As Samuel Johnson had once remarked: “A decent provision for the poor is the true test of civilisation”.
Nobel pursuit in sand of dead habit
Nobel pursuit in sand of dead habit
Source: By Shiv Visvanathan: The Asian Age
Science is part dream, part play, part rigorous work, and to be original it must remain that way... This our science planners did not understand. They created bureaucracies, not nurseries of talent. Indians and the middle class in particular have always been full of aspirations. We are a nation that suffers from prize envy. We have always wondered why a large population such as ours produces so few Olympic medals and even fewer Nobel prizes. Tagore and Raman are conceived as Halley's comets of the mind: spectacular, but few and far between.
Of late there have been detailed speculations on policy, institution building and even comparisons between India and China as intellectual nations. One of the most interesting observations was made by Singapore's Lee Kuan Yew, who noted that in the decade to come, the Chinese economy will mature, but China, he complained, was too conformist a mindset.
Its younger generation still had to be sent to American universities to learn free thought and the comradeship of originality. America as a society has three properties -its democracy, its universities and its policy of an open society -that give it a comparative advantage of the intellect.
Indian analysts have also analysed our lack of originality in terms of misplaced policy. Sociologists have analysed our pursuit of relevance and argued for a return to the pure sciences as a way of sustaining originality. Other analysts have shown that our society has encouraged few Ramans, finding their obsessive pursuit of problems an onerous task. A Raman, a Krishnan or a G.N. Ramachandra remains moments of nostalgia, markers that we were once close to the Nobel dream.
Our analysis often gets obsessed with university rankings and confuses productivity and creativity. The search for the Nobel, or even a pursuit of originality, remains either a reductionist explanation or too anecdotal a collection of stories to outline strategy. We often forget that a Raman or a Ramanujan are not created by policy. They owe their originality to eccentricity, to moments of serendipity, to roots in a sub-culture that are not easy to replicate.
Bibliometrics on research planning is not really the magic wand for such explosion of originality. Originality and creativity do not demand mystical conditions. Their origins and requirements are decipherable as a framework of possibilities rather than as guarantees. Many of the myths of Indian science go back to Raman's laboratory though J.C. Bose's laboratory was as original.
Raman's laboratory was a combination of a gurukul and a gharana; it was a community of acolytes and collaborators and a style of research breaking new ground around a new domain: spectroscopy. As a research group Raman's laboratory emphasised two things -a sense of play and a sense of exuberance. Science was a way of life, ascetic but intrinsically rewarding. What made it exciting was the community of conversation and a sense that the group was world-class.
Playfulness and sense of originality is central to science, a sense of eccentric wagers which some times turn out to be true. There is something else one notice. It is a kind of exuberant obsessiveness, a blowtorch focus in pursuit of a goal. Pure research is often a wager in the dark, an act of faith, an intuitive hunch that a certain approach will work despite the scepticism of the community.
It is the confidence to stand alone, to accept the rules of the game and convince your peers of your originality. Think of the Raman school. There was Krishnan, a legend in his own right, Ramanathan who later created another great laboratory in PRL along with Vikram Sarabhai, Ramdas and Ramasawamy who blazed grounds in tropical meteorology, Ganesan who edited Current Science, G.N.
Ramachandran, a legendary biophysicist and younger scientists like Panchpakesan and Rameseshan, all trailblazers in their own right. A style, a problem, a community combined to create a legend, a community with depth, continuity and continuing inventiveness. It was a nursery of legends, all with a common ancestry. There was no immediate emphasis on use as justification. As Raman proudly claimed, he would rather think of one more property of the diamond than worry about its industrial uses.
Science is part dream, part play, part rigorous work and to be original, it must remain that way. Originality can only exist in a culture which can absorb failure. A scientist claiming to be original can be right but also wrong and he needs the critical stamina to survive mistakes critically and inventively. Without the generosity to the mistake, originality becomes remote. One must understand there is a cycle to creativity. Groups have to renew themselves, rework problems and abandon old obsessions. Originality needs to reseed itself.
Chandrashekhar, the astrophysicist, used to research a new field or problem every 10 years, contributing something original to every domain he entered. Science demands a stamina that even marathoners would envy.
Such a culture cannot be created by bureaucratic fiat, through hierarchical chains of command. One seeds the availability of innovation and eccentricity but must realise it is a wager, a statement of hope. This our science planners did not understand. They created bureaucracies, not nurseries of talent which might be antagonistic to hierarchy or academic fiat.
It is only such a conception where the eccentric, the obsessive and the oddball have a place that science becomes possible. It is not about investment and equipment alone. A laboratory, like a symphony, has to be a collection of soloists and team players. This India needs to understand. A wager in creativity and a technocratic preoccupation with rankings belong to different worlds. One hopes our science will be allowed to return to such a state. Then Nobel and other medals of science might follow these new wagers of the intellect and a Raman, Bose or Ramanujan return to haunt our imagination in playful ways.
India and SE Asia
India and SE Asia
Source: The Statesman
A cluster of events around the annual ASEAN Summit has once more directed India’s attention towards South East Asia. Prime Minister Manmohan Singh took part in the India-ASEAN Summit that served to underline the continuous development of relations between these neighbouring areas and has become an important, almost indispensable annual event that reaffirms Indian commitment to the ‘Look East’ posture it adopted some decades ago. India is not alone in looking to, even courting, ASEAN, for this region has established itself as an area of sustained growth and has drawn attention from many countries across the globe. If anything, India was somewhat slow off the mark in reaching out to ASEAN and was not immediately responsive to what the great economic advances in its neighbourhood meant for its own development. It took a prime ministerial visit to the region, that of Mr Narasimha Rao, to dramatise what the India-ASEAN relationship had to offer, and by degree, looking eastward became a preferred direction for India. Relations have never ceased to thrive since those early days. Mr Manmohan Singh's recent visit to the region was one of this regular chain of exchanges that have kept the relationship in good repair and have helped develop a good deal of mutual confidence in their shared initiatives.
High level meetings like the recent one in Brunei help put the spotlight on major issues ripe for decision that need only acceptance at the top to be materialised. This time, the focus was on a Free Trade Agreement (FTA) between India and ASEAN, an ambitious and far-reaching concept which formed part of the agreed Summit outcome. Once it comes into being, an India-ASEAN FTA would mean that tariff barriers would be progressively eliminated, so as to encourage the greatly enhanced trade that everyone seeks, and bind India more closely to ASEAN. It represents the next step in what is already a well-established commercial relationship. Consider, by contrast, the experience of the regional organisation with which India is most closely associated, SAARC: this body has long been in quest of an FTA that would to unite its members in closer commercial ties but despite frequent high level discussion and a good deal of effort by experts, the goal remains elusive. Evidently, much ground still remains to be covered and significant political decisions taken before such a step can be agreed. Nor can such decisions be kept too long in abeyance: already fresh challenges have taken shape and for ASEAN the next step, as some of its members have been urging, is to advance towards an economic union on the pattern of the European Union. So while SAARC remains slow to evolve, India’s relationship with ASEAN is progressing well and offers widening opportunities for its ‘Look East’ policy. Meanwhile, India has also invested in the setting up of a Nalanda university that will emphasise its shared heritage with South-East Asia, as it is also trying to develop better connectivity with that region.
Economic cooperation is ASEAN’s leitmotif but this has always rested on an agreed political sub-structure between the countries comprising the organisation. Without placing undue emphasis on security and political questions, these cannot be ignored, and from the start ASEAN has been concerned to maintain harmony within its region as an essential part of its approach. The organisation took shape at a time when China was beginning to emerge from self-imposed isolation and the cold war still cast a shadow. Amid the uncertainties of the time, there was clear advantage to the region to try to present a common face in meeting the insecurity that affected them all. There were intra-regional problems affecting some of the members and difficulties between some of them and the emerging giant China. It is part of ASEAN’s success story that it has been able to help resolve differences within its region by means other than force and belligerence. Not that all differences have disappeared: indeed, the latest Summit just concluded in Brunei was preceded by maritime incidents, and the Summit itself could not agree on how to deal with rivalries between China and Philippines. But notwithstanding such differences, the dialogue between the parties will continue and no break in relations is feared. Nor is there serious indication of outside powers like the USA becoming involved in regional disputes.
Developments in Myanmar demonstrate how ASEAN’s methods can be efficacious in handling regional divergences. India became part of the ASEAN Regional Forum (ARF) some two decades ago, thus joining a forum designed for the discussion of regional political issues. At the time of India's entry, ARF was greatly preoccupied with matters of human rights and political legitimacy in Myanmar. The participants, especially the non-regional ones, were pushing hard for strengthened international action against the military junta in Yangon, which repudiated all demands from outside and remained adamant on its chosen course. Despite widespread disappointment, ASEAN preserved lines of communication with the junta and did not break with it. In course of time when Myanmar’s rulers felt it necessary to change their approach and move towards more representative government, the regional link was there to aid and encourage them. Today Myanmar, once the regional whipping boy, is set to assume chairmanship of ASEAN when Brunei’s term concludes at the end of this year. On his return journey, Mr Singh paid a visit to Indonesia, the most substantial of ASEAN’s members and one that is exceptionally well endowed with nature’s resources. It has a maritime boundary with India that was settled to mutual satisfaction quite some time ago, so this is one neighbour with whom there are no territorial questions awaiting agreement. There have been periods of great togetherness between the two countries, particularly during their parallel and mutually supportive fight against colonialism. Nonalignment was another great shared commitment that brought them closer, and while both continue to adhere to its principles, the nonaligned bond no longer binds as closely as it once did. Yet there are other ideological convergences that are not to be ignored: Indonesia is the most populous Muslim country of the world and is an important example of social and religious tolerance and pluralism. There is obvious community of sentiment and practice with India in this respect and closer understanding between the two countries can be of great benefit to secular sentiments in both. The Prime Minister’s visit has laid special emphasis on economic factors, and Indonesia has been regarded as a key component of ASEAN, which of course it is, but there is a good deal more in the relationship. Mr Singh’s visit should re-start a closer interaction between the two countries for they have much to gain from each other.
New threats to security
New threats to security
Source: by Gurmeet Kanwal: The Tribune
EVEN as India grapples with diverse external and internal threats to its security, including a militarily assertive China and heightened Pakistan army-ISI activism on the LoC, many new challenges are emerging on the national security horizon. These are diverse in nature and could assume unmanageable proportions if left unaddressed.
The likelihood of mass migrations into India, for example from Bangladesh and Nepal, are a serious future threat as these will upset the prevailing social order. The demography of lower Assam has already changed considerably. Mass migrations will also threaten the existing food reserves and endanger food security. The nation will find it extremely difficult to cope with future failures of the monsoon and the consequent famine-like conditions that will prevail. The issue of illegal migration and the security threat posed by it has been repeatedly raised by various states sharing international borders with neighbouring countries during successive Chief Ministers' conferences on internal security and law and order.
The proliferation of small arm or light weapons in the southern Asian region has created its own dynamics of generating terror and instability. Small arms enter India from Afghanistan and Pakistan through ISI sponsorship and from the surpluses available in South East Asia, which are purchased at low cost by various insurgent outfits. Unless a concerted international effort is launched in conjunction with friendly foreign countries, the menace from small arms will continue to grow at alarming rates.
Increasing demands for electric power to meet the requirements of industry and the growing population will make energy security a primary concern. Energy security will be particularly important in future as fossil fuels will become more and more inadequate for the nation's increasing energy needs. Domestic oil production has been declining while the demand has been rising steadily. Hence, oil will continue to be a strategic resource and the security of India's oil supplies from abroad as well as that of all oil reserves and installations will need to be ensured.
The ravages of global warming and changing monsoon patterns as well as the diversion of the waters of rivers feeding the Ganges and the Brahmaputra by upper riparian states are likely to deplete India's water sources and threaten water security even as the increasing population, rapid industrialisation and the enhanced requirements of irrigation raise the demand for water.
The Energy Research Institute (TERI) has estimated that the demand for water will almost double from 564 billion cubic metres (bcum) in 1997 to 1,048 bcum in 2047. M S Menon has written: "As the population is expected to reach 1,300 million in the year 2025, the present slow progress in developing and maintaining the water resources of the country will lead to alarming situations if ameliorative actions on policy and institutional reforms are not taken now on a war-footing."
The situation will be further exacerbated when the Himalayan nation-states begin drawing more water for their own consumption. The amicable sharing of the Ganges waters by India, Bangladesh and Nepal has already been posing problems. Successive droughts have ravaged some of India's western states between 1999 and 2000 and groundwater levels are known to have fallen to extremely low levels. Pakistan is extremely unhappy with India's dam construction activities on the Chenab and the Jhelum and future plans for the diversion of waters of the Kishanganga river into the Wullar Lake. Pakistan has repeatedly sought the intervention of the World Bank that is the official adjudicator for disputes relating to the Indus Waters Treaty. Clearly, the future possibility of water wars on the Indian sub-continent cannot be ruled out.
Information warfare is another emerging threat through which, besides nation-states, non-state actors, individual terrorists and even disgruntled elements within a state can play havoc with a nation's telecom, banking, stock exchanges, power grids, railways and air traffic control infrastructure as well as military communications and networks. The prevention of large-scale damage through a complex cyber-security system requires an inter-departmental approach in concert with industry and private entrepreneurs and can only be undertaken by a duly empowered organisation. While some progress has been made in protecting India's critical infrastructure, a great deal more needs to be done.
The threats to India's maritime security are increasing exponentially as the world turns more and more towards the exploitation of ocean resources for food, energy and raw materials. This long-neglected aspect needs to be incorporated in the management of national security so that India's ocean resources in its exclusive economic zone (EEZ) are not poached at will by state and non-state actors. Oil platforms and drilling rigs for oil and gas exploration face a threat from marine terrorists. Increasing piracy at sea and the possible use of India's island territories by terrorist organisations and by smugglers for trade in contraband goods are other serious maritime threats. The security of India's island territories has now acquired added significance.
The preservation of the ecological balance is another emerging challenge. The continuing increase in the population will threaten the remaining forest resources as the area of cultivable land comes under pressure. Also, over-exploitation of the oceans may upset the delicate marine balance. The increasing consumption of fossil fuels will add to global warming. A brown haze is already hanging over Southern Asia and it is now being accepted that it is directly related to environmental pollution. In future, the Indian government will have to increasingly plan for the security concerns of the vast Indian diaspora, particularly the migrant Indian population employed on temporary work permits in the Gulf countries.
Still newer challenges that are emerging include those from fake currency notes, organised crime and narco-terrorism. India is flanked by two of the most notorious narcotics producing regions in the world - the Golden Crescent (Afghanistan, Iran and Pakistan; annual production approximately 2,500 tonnes) on the west and the Golden Triangle (Laos, Myanmar and Thailand; 1,500 tonnes) on the east. All of these challenges need to be addressed in a coordinated, holistic manner at the national level in conjunction with the state governments.
EVEN as India grapples with diverse external and internal threats to its security, including a militarily assertive China and heightened Pakistan army-ISI activism on the LoC, many new challenges are emerging on the national security horizon. These are diverse in nature and could assume unmanageable proportions if left unaddressed.
The likelihood of mass migrations into India, for example from Bangladesh and Nepal, are a serious future threat as these will upset the prevailing social order. The demography of lower Assam has already changed considerably. Mass migrations will also threaten the existing food reserves and endanger food security. The nation will find it extremely difficult to cope with future failures of the monsoon and the consequent famine-like conditions that will prevail. The issue of illegal migration and the security threat posed by it has been repeatedly raised by various states sharing international borders with neighbouring countries during successive Chief Ministers' conferences on internal security and law and order.
The proliferation of small arm or light weapons in the southern Asian region has created its own dynamics of generating terror and instability. Small arms enter India from Afghanistan and Pakistan through ISI sponsorship and from the surpluses available in South East Asia, which are purchased at low cost by various insurgent outfits. Unless a concerted international effort is launched in conjunction with friendly foreign countries, the menace from small arms will continue to grow at alarming rates.
Increasing demands for electric power to meet the requirements of industry and the growing population will make energy security a primary concern. Energy security will be particularly important in future as fossil fuels will become more and more inadequate for the nation's increasing energy needs. Domestic oil production has been declining while the demand has been rising steadily. Hence, oil will continue to be a strategic resource and the security of India's oil supplies from abroad as well as that of all oil reserves and installations will need to be ensured.
The ravages of global warming and changing monsoon patterns as well as the diversion of the waters of rivers feeding the Ganges and the Brahmaputra by upper riparian states are likely to deplete India's water sources and threaten water security even as the increasing population, rapid industrialisation and the enhanced requirements of irrigation raise the demand for water.
The Energy Research Institute (TERI) has estimated that the demand for water will almost double from 564 billion cubic metres (bcum) in 1997 to 1,048 bcum in 2047. M S Menon has written: "As the population is expected to reach 1,300 million in the year 2025, the present slow progress in developing and maintaining the water resources of the country will lead to alarming situations if ameliorative actions on policy and institutional reforms are not taken now on a war-footing."
The situation will be further exacerbated when the Himalayan nation-states begin drawing more water for their own consumption. The amicable sharing of the Ganges waters by India, Bangladesh and Nepal has already been posing problems. Successive droughts have ravaged some of India's western states between 1999 and 2000 and groundwater levels are known to have fallen to extremely low levels. Pakistan is extremely unhappy with India's dam construction activities on the Chenab and the Jhelum and future plans for the diversion of waters of the Kishanganga river into the Wullar Lake. Pakistan has repeatedly sought the intervention of the World Bank that is the official adjudicator for disputes relating to the Indus Waters Treaty. Clearly, the future possibility of water wars on the Indian sub-continent cannot be ruled out.
Information warfare is another emerging threat through which, besides nation-states, non-state actors, individual terrorists and even disgruntled elements within a state can play havoc with a nation's telecom, banking, stock exchanges, power grids, railways and air traffic control infrastructure as well as military communications and networks. The prevention of large-scale damage through a complex cyber-security system requires an inter-departmental approach in concert with industry and private entrepreneurs and can only be undertaken by a duly empowered organisation. While some progress has been made in protecting India's critical infrastructure, a great deal more needs to be done.
The threats to India's maritime security are increasing exponentially as the world turns more and more towards the exploitation of ocean resources for food, energy and raw materials. This long-neglected aspect needs to be incorporated in the management of national security so that India's ocean resources in its exclusive economic zone (EEZ) are not poached at will by state and non-state actors. Oil platforms and drilling rigs for oil and gas exploration face a threat from marine terrorists. Increasing piracy at sea and the possible use of India's island territories by terrorist organisations and by smugglers for trade in contraband goods are other serious maritime threats. The security of India's island territories has now acquired added significance.
The preservation of the ecological balance is another emerging challenge. The continuing increase in the population will threaten the remaining forest resources as the area of cultivable land comes under pressure. Also, over-exploitation of the oceans may upset the delicate marine balance. The increasing consumption of fossil fuels will add to global warming. A brown haze is already hanging over Southern Asia and it is now being accepted that it is directly related to environmental pollution. In future, the Indian government will have to increasingly plan for the security concerns of the vast Indian diaspora, particularly the migrant Indian population employed on temporary work permits in the Gulf countries.
Still newer challenges that are emerging include those from fake currency notes, organised crime and narco-terrorism. India is flanked by two of the most notorious narcotics producing regions in the world - the Golden Crescent (Afghanistan, Iran and Pakistan; annual production approximately 2,500 tonnes) on the west and the Golden Triangle (Laos, Myanmar and Thailand; 1,500 tonnes) on the east. All of these challenges need to be addressed in a coordinated, holistic manner at the national level in conjunction with the state governments.
If India has an argument
If India has an argument
By Rudra Chaudhuri: The Telegraph
On August 19, 2013, during a debate on the " Protection of civilians in armed conflict" at the United Nations, Asoke Kumar Mukherji — India's permanent representative to the United Nations — argued that " the protection of civilians is primarily a national responsibility". Hence, he continued, " contribution to national capacity building rather than intervention mechanisms should be the priority of the Security Council". Statements such as these are hardly surprising. Indian representatives have long argued for restraint and caution in matters related to intervention. Yet, in the case of Syria, it would appear that an Indian argument for non- intervention is one shared by Western incumbents ( mainly in the United Kingdom, the United States of America and France), most of whom till recently were all set to let loose the dogs of war. This, of course, does not mean that President Barack Obama, the British prime minister, David Cameron, or President François Hollande agree with, or even recognize, the tenor of India's argumentation, but that they too realize that military intervention has limited utility.
In the case of the UK, Cameron had little choice but to place brakes on the urge for war. Surprising those at 10 Downing Street, the British parliament voted against intervention ( 285- 272). President Hollande's once bullish rhetoric that military action will " strike a body blow" to the Syrian regime carries little weight. Apart from the fact that the president backed down — following Britain's inability to commit to international intervention and the US's less- than- sure approach to the same, the French people have spoken out against the use of military force. According to one survey, 37 per cent of those polled believe that any military action will turn Syria into a hotbed for Islamists; 17 per cent are simply not convinced that the Assad regime used chemical weapons; 18 per cent argue that strikes or some form of limited intervention will only invite retaliation against French interests. The US, the mood for war is all that more confusing to ascertain.
On September 24, during a speech at the UN general assembly, Obama made clear his intention to use the rest of his presidency to work with Iran — where President Hassan Rouhani has plainly articulated his intention to engage the US and the West more generally — and negotiate a settlement between Israel and Palestine. As for Syria, whilst the president argued that it was " an insult to human reason" to suggest that " anyone other than the regime carried out" chemical attacks, he avoided the question of the use of force in the near future. Instead, he alluded to present discussions with President Vladimir Putin to find a " diplomatic resolution", stressing that Syria's chemical weapons are to be first placed under international control and then " destroyed". To be clear, for reasons of both war fatigue ( Britain and the US want nothing more than to withdraw from conflict, such as in Afghanistan) and electoral preferences ( where Hollande and Cameron find themselves bound by popular and elite opinion), the fighting within Syria attracts little or no attention whatsoever. From the outset, major Western actors seem to have come around to India's position from the start: that military intervention can do little to stem the tide. Yet, the question of intervention, or the metrics used to assess when military intervention is warranted, lingers on. On the one hand, and from an Indian point of view, back- benching the issue of intervention may well suit both bureaucrats and their political superiors.
Whilst no doubt a talking point between the Indian prime minister, Manmohan Singh, and Obama during the former's visit to Washington, there has been nothing to suggest that the question of ' protection' in armed conflict got a serious hearing.
Indeed, those designing the prime minister's visit perhaps saw little value in focusing on contentious debates. Implementing the nuclear agreement with the US and confirming defence contracts quite rightly take precedence. But further, a question that India's policy elite may ask themselves is, why not take the lead in matters related to intervention? Rather than leaving it to the US, Canada, or Britain to formulate arguments with regard to what is popularly known as the doctrine of the responsibility to protect or ' R2P', why not consider new and usable language to define the parameters for intervention or nonintervention as the case might be? The argument mooted in this article is hardly meant to suggest a thirst for intervention. Instead, it simply highlights an opportunity for leadership that may, at first, seem counter- intuitive to Indian interests. In fact, these are hardly at odds with India's purported longing to shape the future — even in some minimal way — of world politics.
While the debate around intervention and R2P more specifically has little currency among Indian experts, the fact remains that civil wars and internal strife are likely to remain a dark but real feature of international politics. More and more, the very notion of sovereignty is being challenged by opposing forces from within the State. This, of course, does not mean that opposition to the status quo is welcome ( the current case of Egypt is a clear reminder of the unsettlement that follows revolt and rebellion) or that opposition necessarily leads to regimes being overthrown ( Syria being a case in point). Rather, it is to suggest that the question of intervention will not go away with a settlement — as unlikely as it seems at the moment — in Syria or with various degrees of agreement in recently post- rebellion States like Libya. Arguing for " capacity building" seems less relevant when the population has reached its capacity for torment and subjugation.
However, if the Indian argument is to balance the need to work with national regimes with the view to invite concessions to opposing forces in keeping with political processes, then perhaps this needs to be highlighted much more clearly. There are provisions in the R2P structure for assistance and working with governments or investing in early warning mechanisms to detect the potential for violence. A constructive use of India's political space within the UN might be to leverage its standing with almost all members of the Security Council — with the partial exception of China — to find agreeable language to at least investigate pragmatic means to engage conflicts before they erupt. Taking a lead role has its downside: it requires wearing the robe of responsibility.
Yet, India today is well placed to take the lead in re- structuring a doctrine that has little credibility among emerging States, most of which view it as nothing more than a mask for some form of imperialism. This is, of course, hardly the case. Looking to the future, India could think of building on its chosen rhetoric around capacity building.
Rather than leaving such words to the imaginations of critical audiences inside the UN, it is perhaps a worthy idea to begin investigating how such measures and suggestions could be incorporated in a global doctrine that need not belong to, or be authored by, those away from India. For sure, the US and Britain have lost both the appetite and the desire to engage in a debate that was once thought to have served as an expression of their advance in international politics. It is time for countries like India to take the lead, but to do so India will have to begin to think seriously about leadership.
On August 19, 2013, during a debate on the " Protection of civilians in armed conflict" at the United Nations, Asoke Kumar Mukherji — India's permanent representative to the United Nations — argued that " the protection of civilians is primarily a national responsibility". Hence, he continued, " contribution to national capacity building rather than intervention mechanisms should be the priority of the Security Council". Statements such as these are hardly surprising. Indian representatives have long argued for restraint and caution in matters related to intervention. Yet, in the case of Syria, it would appear that an Indian argument for non- intervention is one shared by Western incumbents ( mainly in the United Kingdom, the United States of America and France), most of whom till recently were all set to let loose the dogs of war. This, of course, does not mean that President Barack Obama, the British prime minister, David Cameron, or President François Hollande agree with, or even recognize, the tenor of India's argumentation, but that they too realize that military intervention has limited utility.
In the case of the UK, Cameron had little choice but to place brakes on the urge for war. Surprising those at 10 Downing Street, the British parliament voted against intervention ( 285- 272). President Hollande's once bullish rhetoric that military action will " strike a body blow" to the Syrian regime carries little weight. Apart from the fact that the president backed down — following Britain's inability to commit to international intervention and the US's less- than- sure approach to the same, the French people have spoken out against the use of military force. According to one survey, 37 per cent of those polled believe that any military action will turn Syria into a hotbed for Islamists; 17 per cent are simply not convinced that the Assad regime used chemical weapons; 18 per cent argue that strikes or some form of limited intervention will only invite retaliation against French interests. The US, the mood for war is all that more confusing to ascertain.
On September 24, during a speech at the UN general assembly, Obama made clear his intention to use the rest of his presidency to work with Iran — where President Hassan Rouhani has plainly articulated his intention to engage the US and the West more generally — and negotiate a settlement between Israel and Palestine. As for Syria, whilst the president argued that it was " an insult to human reason" to suggest that " anyone other than the regime carried out" chemical attacks, he avoided the question of the use of force in the near future. Instead, he alluded to present discussions with President Vladimir Putin to find a " diplomatic resolution", stressing that Syria's chemical weapons are to be first placed under international control and then " destroyed". To be clear, for reasons of both war fatigue ( Britain and the US want nothing more than to withdraw from conflict, such as in Afghanistan) and electoral preferences ( where Hollande and Cameron find themselves bound by popular and elite opinion), the fighting within Syria attracts little or no attention whatsoever. From the outset, major Western actors seem to have come around to India's position from the start: that military intervention can do little to stem the tide. Yet, the question of intervention, or the metrics used to assess when military intervention is warranted, lingers on. On the one hand, and from an Indian point of view, back- benching the issue of intervention may well suit both bureaucrats and their political superiors.
Whilst no doubt a talking point between the Indian prime minister, Manmohan Singh, and Obama during the former's visit to Washington, there has been nothing to suggest that the question of ' protection' in armed conflict got a serious hearing.
Indeed, those designing the prime minister's visit perhaps saw little value in focusing on contentious debates. Implementing the nuclear agreement with the US and confirming defence contracts quite rightly take precedence. But further, a question that India's policy elite may ask themselves is, why not take the lead in matters related to intervention? Rather than leaving it to the US, Canada, or Britain to formulate arguments with regard to what is popularly known as the doctrine of the responsibility to protect or ' R2P', why not consider new and usable language to define the parameters for intervention or nonintervention as the case might be? The argument mooted in this article is hardly meant to suggest a thirst for intervention. Instead, it simply highlights an opportunity for leadership that may, at first, seem counter- intuitive to Indian interests. In fact, these are hardly at odds with India's purported longing to shape the future — even in some minimal way — of world politics.
While the debate around intervention and R2P more specifically has little currency among Indian experts, the fact remains that civil wars and internal strife are likely to remain a dark but real feature of international politics. More and more, the very notion of sovereignty is being challenged by opposing forces from within the State. This, of course, does not mean that opposition to the status quo is welcome ( the current case of Egypt is a clear reminder of the unsettlement that follows revolt and rebellion) or that opposition necessarily leads to regimes being overthrown ( Syria being a case in point). Rather, it is to suggest that the question of intervention will not go away with a settlement — as unlikely as it seems at the moment — in Syria or with various degrees of agreement in recently post- rebellion States like Libya. Arguing for " capacity building" seems less relevant when the population has reached its capacity for torment and subjugation.
However, if the Indian argument is to balance the need to work with national regimes with the view to invite concessions to opposing forces in keeping with political processes, then perhaps this needs to be highlighted much more clearly. There are provisions in the R2P structure for assistance and working with governments or investing in early warning mechanisms to detect the potential for violence. A constructive use of India's political space within the UN might be to leverage its standing with almost all members of the Security Council — with the partial exception of China — to find agreeable language to at least investigate pragmatic means to engage conflicts before they erupt. Taking a lead role has its downside: it requires wearing the robe of responsibility.
Yet, India today is well placed to take the lead in re- structuring a doctrine that has little credibility among emerging States, most of which view it as nothing more than a mask for some form of imperialism. This is, of course, hardly the case. Looking to the future, India could think of building on its chosen rhetoric around capacity building.
Rather than leaving such words to the imaginations of critical audiences inside the UN, it is perhaps a worthy idea to begin investigating how such measures and suggestions could be incorporated in a global doctrine that need not belong to, or be authored by, those away from India. For sure, the US and Britain have lost both the appetite and the desire to engage in a debate that was once thought to have served as an expression of their advance in international politics. It is time for countries like India to take the lead, but to do so India will have to begin to think seriously about leadership.
Thursday, October 24, 2013
General Studies MCQs -12
76. Choose the correct
statement(s).
1. The Agni-IV is a short Range Ballistic Missile with a range of 3,500 km.
2. The Agni-IV is capable of carrying five tonne of nuclear warhead.
3. Agni-V will be Intercontinental Ballistic Missile.
Code:
(a) 1 only (b) 2 only
(c) 3 only (d) None
77. The 2+2 mechanism between the countries involves dialogue between:
1. Finance Ministers
2. Prime Ministers
3. Home Ministers
Code:
(a) 1 and 2 (b) 2 and 3
(c) 1 and 3 (d) None
78. Euro plus pact is adopted by the EU to:
1. Initiate political reforms with the objective of improving fiscal strength and competitiveness of each country.
2. Achieve the goals of sustainable public finance, Financial Stability and creating employment opportunities.
Code:
(a) 1 only
(b) 2 only
(c) Both 1 and 2
(d) None
79. The Moody's has upgraded India's short terms foreign currency rating from:
1. Speculative to Investment grade.
2. From NP (Not Prime) to Prime (P-3).
Code:
(a) 1 only
(b) 2 only
(c) Both 1 and 2
(d) None
80. The Qualified Foreign Investers are:
1. A group or association conforming to the norms of Financial Action Task Force.
2. Permitted by the Government of India because they are expected to Widen the Investor base.
3. Expected to reduce Market volatility.
Code:
(a) 1 and 2 (b) 1 and 3
(c) 2 and 3 (d) All
81. Identify the correct statement(s)
1. Gold has been included in the mandatory list for hall marking.
2. The Bureau of Indian standards (BIS) under the Ministry of Consumer Affairs is authorised to carry out hall marking.
Code:
(a) 1 only (b) 2 only
(c) Both 1 and 2 (d) None
82. The vaccine which are prescribed in a Anti-Retroviral treatment operates by:
1. Blocking the entry of HIV.
2. Preventing the reverse transcription of HIV RNA.
Code:
(a) 1 only (b) 2 only
(c) Both 1 and 2 (d) None
83. The stages of India's Nuclear Power Programme differs with respect to:
1. Fuel used
2. Technology
3. Stage of development
Code:
(a) 1 and 2 (b) 2 and 3
(c) 1 and 2 (d) All
84. From the given identify the conditions imposed by IMF on India at the time of Balance of Payment crisis.
1. Devaluation of Rupee.
2. Reduction in Import tariff.
3. Hike in Excise duties.
Code:
(a) 1 and 2 (b) 2 and 3
(c) 1 and 2 (d) All
85. Identify the correct statement(s):
1. Under suigeneris system intellectual property rights were granted to plant breeders.
2. The sui-generis system was cofified as per the provisions of the International Union for the Protection of New Varieties of Plants (UPOV).
Code:
(a) 1 only (b) 2 only
(c) Both 1 and 2 (d) None
86. The Archaeological Survey of India is under the control of:
(a) Department of Culture
(b) PMO
(c) Ministry of Home Affairs
(d) Ministry of Science and Technology
87. Identify the correct statement(s):
1. The provisions of clean Development Mechanism under the Kyoto Protocol came into force with effect from 2006.
2. The provisions of Joint Implementation under the Kyoto Protocol came into force with effect from 2000.
Code:
(a) 1 only (b) 2 only
(c) Both 1 and 2 (d) None
88. The acidity of rain water could be due to:
1. CO2 2. SO2
3. NOx
4. Chlorofluoro Carbon
Code:
(a) 1, 2 and 3
(b) 2, 3 and 4
(c) 1, 3 and 4
(d) All
89. Of the following individual(s) associated with Swadeshi Movement was/are:
1. Syed Haider Raza
2. Ajit Singh
3. Chidambaram Pillai
Code:
(a) 1 and 2 (b) 2 and 3
(c) 1 and 2 (d) All
90. The Principle of election was introduced by the:
(a) Indian Councils Act - 1909
(b) Indian Councils Act - 1919
(c) Government of India Act - 1935
(d) Indian Councils Act - 1892
91. Arrange the following in correct chronological order:
1. Annexation of Sindh by Britishers
2. Prohibition of Sati
3. First Anglo Maratha War
4. Opening of Suez Canal
Code:
(a) 3-2-1-4 (b) 2-3-1-4
(c) 2-1-3-4 (d) 3-4-1-2
92. Laspeyres type indexes use weights from:
(a) Current period
(b) Base period
(c) Forecasting
(d) Future year
93. Surplus labour theories assume that:
(a) LDC's (Least Develop Country) are overpopulated
(b) Labour contributes nothing to output in LDC's
(c) The marginal product of labour is close to zero in LDC.
(d) None of these
94. The Lewis model explains how growth get started in a less developed economy:
(a) with a downward sloping supply curve labour.
(b) with a tradition agricultural sector and an industrial capitalist section.
(c) with a marginal productivity of labour
(d) None of these
95. Consider the following statement:
1. Specialized farm is the most advanced agricultural phase in a market economy.
2. Specialized form usually emphasizes cultivating one crop.
3. Such farms are labour intensive.
True statements is/are:
(a) 1 and 2
(b) 2 and 3
(c) 1 and 3
(d) All above
96. Which of the following colonial policy contribute further to today's agricultural under development in Africa:
1. Colonial government's compelled farmers to grow selected crops.
2. Colonial failed to train African agriculture scientists and managers.
3. Research and development concentrated on food production and small farmers and herders.
Code:
(a) 1 and 2
(b) 2 and 3
(c) 1 and 3
(d) All above
97. A Legal entity that is separate and distinct from its owners. It enjoys most of the rights and responsibilities that an individual posses. It refers to:
(a) Enterprises
(b) Corporation
(c) Partnership
(d) None of these
98. The Financial System provides all of the following financial sevices except:
(a) The elemination of Public debt.
(b) Reduction of information costs.
(c) Provision of Liquidity
(d) Risk Sharing
99. Budget deficit are important for money and banking because:
(a) Budget deficits may influence the conduct of monetary policy
(b) Without budget deficits bank would not exist.
(c) Budget deficits cause banks to fail.
(d) All above
100. The primary liabilities of a saving and loan association are:
(a) Mortgages
(b) Deposits
(c) Bonds
(d) Commercial Paper
1. The Agni-IV is a short Range Ballistic Missile with a range of 3,500 km.
2. The Agni-IV is capable of carrying five tonne of nuclear warhead.
3. Agni-V will be Intercontinental Ballistic Missile.
Code:
(a) 1 only (b) 2 only
(c) 3 only (d) None
77. The 2+2 mechanism between the countries involves dialogue between:
1. Finance Ministers
2. Prime Ministers
3. Home Ministers
Code:
(a) 1 and 2 (b) 2 and 3
(c) 1 and 3 (d) None
78. Euro plus pact is adopted by the EU to:
1. Initiate political reforms with the objective of improving fiscal strength and competitiveness of each country.
2. Achieve the goals of sustainable public finance, Financial Stability and creating employment opportunities.
Code:
(a) 1 only
(b) 2 only
(c) Both 1 and 2
(d) None
79. The Moody's has upgraded India's short terms foreign currency rating from:
1. Speculative to Investment grade.
2. From NP (Not Prime) to Prime (P-3).
Code:
(a) 1 only
(b) 2 only
(c) Both 1 and 2
(d) None
80. The Qualified Foreign Investers are:
1. A group or association conforming to the norms of Financial Action Task Force.
2. Permitted by the Government of India because they are expected to Widen the Investor base.
3. Expected to reduce Market volatility.
Code:
(a) 1 and 2 (b) 1 and 3
(c) 2 and 3 (d) All
81. Identify the correct statement(s)
1. Gold has been included in the mandatory list for hall marking.
2. The Bureau of Indian standards (BIS) under the Ministry of Consumer Affairs is authorised to carry out hall marking.
Code:
(a) 1 only (b) 2 only
(c) Both 1 and 2 (d) None
82. The vaccine which are prescribed in a Anti-Retroviral treatment operates by:
1. Blocking the entry of HIV.
2. Preventing the reverse transcription of HIV RNA.
Code:
(a) 1 only (b) 2 only
(c) Both 1 and 2 (d) None
83. The stages of India's Nuclear Power Programme differs with respect to:
1. Fuel used
2. Technology
3. Stage of development
Code:
(a) 1 and 2 (b) 2 and 3
(c) 1 and 2 (d) All
84. From the given identify the conditions imposed by IMF on India at the time of Balance of Payment crisis.
1. Devaluation of Rupee.
2. Reduction in Import tariff.
3. Hike in Excise duties.
Code:
(a) 1 and 2 (b) 2 and 3
(c) 1 and 2 (d) All
85. Identify the correct statement(s):
1. Under suigeneris system intellectual property rights were granted to plant breeders.
2. The sui-generis system was cofified as per the provisions of the International Union for the Protection of New Varieties of Plants (UPOV).
Code:
(a) 1 only (b) 2 only
(c) Both 1 and 2 (d) None
86. The Archaeological Survey of India is under the control of:
(a) Department of Culture
(b) PMO
(c) Ministry of Home Affairs
(d) Ministry of Science and Technology
87. Identify the correct statement(s):
1. The provisions of clean Development Mechanism under the Kyoto Protocol came into force with effect from 2006.
2. The provisions of Joint Implementation under the Kyoto Protocol came into force with effect from 2000.
Code:
(a) 1 only (b) 2 only
(c) Both 1 and 2 (d) None
88. The acidity of rain water could be due to:
1. CO2 2. SO2
3. NOx
4. Chlorofluoro Carbon
Code:
(a) 1, 2 and 3
(b) 2, 3 and 4
(c) 1, 3 and 4
(d) All
89. Of the following individual(s) associated with Swadeshi Movement was/are:
1. Syed Haider Raza
2. Ajit Singh
3. Chidambaram Pillai
Code:
(a) 1 and 2 (b) 2 and 3
(c) 1 and 2 (d) All
90. The Principle of election was introduced by the:
(a) Indian Councils Act - 1909
(b) Indian Councils Act - 1919
(c) Government of India Act - 1935
(d) Indian Councils Act - 1892
91. Arrange the following in correct chronological order:
1. Annexation of Sindh by Britishers
2. Prohibition of Sati
3. First Anglo Maratha War
4. Opening of Suez Canal
Code:
(a) 3-2-1-4 (b) 2-3-1-4
(c) 2-1-3-4 (d) 3-4-1-2
92. Laspeyres type indexes use weights from:
(a) Current period
(b) Base period
(c) Forecasting
(d) Future year
93. Surplus labour theories assume that:
(a) LDC's (Least Develop Country) are overpopulated
(b) Labour contributes nothing to output in LDC's
(c) The marginal product of labour is close to zero in LDC.
(d) None of these
94. The Lewis model explains how growth get started in a less developed economy:
(a) with a downward sloping supply curve labour.
(b) with a tradition agricultural sector and an industrial capitalist section.
(c) with a marginal productivity of labour
(d) None of these
95. Consider the following statement:
1. Specialized farm is the most advanced agricultural phase in a market economy.
2. Specialized form usually emphasizes cultivating one crop.
3. Such farms are labour intensive.
True statements is/are:
(a) 1 and 2
(b) 2 and 3
(c) 1 and 3
(d) All above
96. Which of the following colonial policy contribute further to today's agricultural under development in Africa:
1. Colonial government's compelled farmers to grow selected crops.
2. Colonial failed to train African agriculture scientists and managers.
3. Research and development concentrated on food production and small farmers and herders.
Code:
(a) 1 and 2
(b) 2 and 3
(c) 1 and 3
(d) All above
97. A Legal entity that is separate and distinct from its owners. It enjoys most of the rights and responsibilities that an individual posses. It refers to:
(a) Enterprises
(b) Corporation
(c) Partnership
(d) None of these
98. The Financial System provides all of the following financial sevices except:
(a) The elemination of Public debt.
(b) Reduction of information costs.
(c) Provision of Liquidity
(d) Risk Sharing
99. Budget deficit are important for money and banking because:
(a) Budget deficits may influence the conduct of monetary policy
(b) Without budget deficits bank would not exist.
(c) Budget deficits cause banks to fail.
(d) All above
100. The primary liabilities of a saving and loan association are:
(a) Mortgages
(b) Deposits
(c) Bonds
(d) Commercial Paper
Answers
76. (b)
77. (d)
78. (c)
79. (c)
80. (d)
81. (c)
82. (c)
83. (d)
84. (d)
85. (c)
86. (a)
87. (c)
88. (a)
89. (d)
90. (a)
91. (a)
92. (b)
93. (c)
94. (b)
95. (a)
66. (c)
97. (b)
98. (a)
99. (a)
100. (b)
77. (d)
78. (c)
79. (c)
80. (d)
81. (c)
82. (c)
83. (d)
84. (d)
85. (c)
86. (a)
87. (c)
88. (a)
89. (d)
90. (a)
91. (a)
92. (b)
93. (c)
94. (b)
95. (a)
66. (c)
97. (b)
98. (a)
99. (a)
100. (b)
General Studies MCQs - 11
51. Identify the correct
statement(s):
1. The Narsimhan Committee recommended for the established of Regional Rural Banks (RRBs).
2. RRBs were established with the objective of Bridging the credit gap in rural areas.
3. The issued capital of RRBs is subscribed by the Union Government, the State Government and Sponsor banks in the proportion of 50 percent, 15 percent and 35 percent.
Code:
(a) 1 only
(b) 2 only
(c) 3 only
(d) 1, 2, and 3
52. Sahyog-Kaijin-XI is a:
(a) India-Japan Joint Coast Guard Exercise
(b) India-Japan Joint Naval Exercise.
(c) India-Srilanka Joint Coast Guard Exercise
(d) India-Srilanka Joint Naval Exercise
53. The Phobos Grunt was:
1. Mars probe mission of Russia.
2. Carrying Yinghua-1, first Mars probe of China.
Code:
(a) 1 only
(b) 2 only
(c) Both 1 and 2
(d) None
54. CRIS is a:
1. New Rating Index of India developed by Finance Ministry.
2. Rating that would consider GDP of 101 nation to provide rating.
Code:
(a) 1 only (b) 2 only
(c) Both 1 and 2 (d) None
55. Of the following the Mega Cluster of Handlooms is/are at:
1. Varanasi (U.P.)
2. Sivasagar (Assam)
3. Murshidabad (West Bengal)
Code:
(a) 1 only
(b) 2 only
(c) 3 only
(d) 1, 2, and 3
56. Identify the correct statement(s):
1. The representation of People's Amendment Act 2010 gives voting rights to overseas Indian Passport holders.
2. The Committee for Pravasi Baratiya Samman Award is chaired by the Prime Minister.
Code:
(a) 1 only
(b) 2 only
(c) Both 1 and 2
(d) None
57. GLOBAL-INK is:
1. An electronic platform developed by Ministry of External Affairs to connect people of Indian Origin from various discipline.
2. Operational since 2007 and will continue till 2012.
Code:
(a) 1 only (b) 2 only
(c) Both 1 and 2 (d) None
58. Lok Adalats are:
1. Given statutory status under the Legal Services Authority Act 1987.
2. For the purpose of taking up family disputes, Bank Recovery cases, Labour disputes.
3. Having same powers as that of a civil court and the decree of Lok Adalats is final and binding.
Code:
(a) 1 and 2 (b) 2 and 3
(c) 1 and 3 (d) None
59. Identify the correct statement(s):
1. The Coastal Regulation Zone (CRZ) under the Environment protection act has kept Mangrooves in CRZ-1.
2. Mangrooves in CRZ-1 are accorded the protection of the highest order.
Code:
(a) 1 only (b) 2 only
(c) Both 1 and 2 (d) None
60. Identify the correctly matched pair(s):
Scheme Ministry
1. Annapurana Rural Development
2. Village grain Bank Tribal Affairs
3. Mid-Day Meal Human Resource
Development
Code:
(a) 1 only (b) 2 only
(c) 3 only (d) 1, 2 and 3
61. The National Vector Borne Disease Control Programme Covers:
1. Dengue
2. Chikungunya
3. Japanese Encephalitis
4. AIDS
Code:
(a) 1, 2 and 3
(b) 2, 3 and 4
(c) 1, 3 and 4
(d) 1, 2 and 4
62. Identify the correct statements with respect to The National AIDS Control Programme (NACP):
1. NACP is a 100 Percent Centrally Sponsored Scheme.
2. The third phase of NACP is from 2007 to 2012.
3. The NACP focuses only on prevention of HIV infections in rural areas.
Code:
(a) 1 and 3 (b) 1 and 2
(c) 2 and 3 (d) None
63. Nisarga -Runa technology:
1. Is developed by Heavy Water Board.
2. Converts biodegradable solid waste into manure and methane.
Code:
(a) 1 only
(b) 2 only
(c) Both 1 and 2
(d) None
64. Identify the correct statement(s):
1. In stagflation the rate of inflation is high and rate of unemployment is low.
2. The GDP deflator is the ratio of GDP at current price to the GDP at constant price.
Code:
(a) 1 only
(b) 2 only
(c) Both 1 and 2
(d) None
65. Identify the correct statement(s):
1. The immediate objective of National Population Policy (NPP) is to bring the Total Fertility Rate to the replacement level of 2.1 by 2010
2. The long term objective of NPP is to stabilise population by 2045.
Code:
(a) 1 only
(b) 2 only
(c) Both 1 and 2
(d) None
66. Identify the correct statement(s):
1. The Rangarajan Committee has recommended for the abolition of distinction between Plan and Non-Plan expenditures.
2. The Usha Thorat Committee has recommended that asset classification norms for Non Banking Finance Companies should be at par with the Commercial banks.
Code:
(a) 1 only (b) 2 only
(c) Both 1 and 2 (d) None
67. The NTPC is setting up its first overseas Power Plant in:
(a) Srilanka at Sampur in Trincomalee.
(b) Bangladesh at Chittagong
(c) Bhutan at Thimpu
(d) Afghanistan at Kandahar
68. The goals of UN Millennium Development Goals is/are:
1. By 2015 halve the proportion of people without sustainable access to safe drinking water.
2. Eliminate Gender disparities at all levels of education by 2015.
Code:
(a) 1 only
(b) 2 only
(c) Both 1 and 2
(d) None
69. The Green Box Subsidies under WTO includes:
1. Disease Control Expenditure
2. Payments made to farmers that do not stimulate production.
3. Infrastructure expenditure
Code:
(a) 1 and 2 (b) 2 and 3
(c) 1 and 3 (d) All
70. Money multiplier is the ratio of:
1. M1 to M3
2. M1 and Reserve Money
3. M3 and Reserve Money
Code:
(a) 1 only (b) 2 only
(c) 3 only (d) 2 and 3
71. The benefits of Capital Account Convertibility is/are:
1. Reduction in the cost of Capital
2. Indians can acquire and hold International Securities
3. Availability of funds to supplement domestic resources.
Code:
(a) 1 and 2 (b) 2 and 3
(c) 1 and 2 (d) All
72. The conditions put forth by the Taropore Committee before the adoption of Capital Account convertibility is/are:
1. Fiscal deficit should be at most 3.5%.
2. Mandated Inflation target should be in between 3% and 5%.
3. Government should remove all restrictions on the movement of gold.
Code:
(a) 1 and 2 (b) 2 and 3
(c) 1 and 3 (d) All
73. Under the Liquid Adjustment Facility RBI:
1. Stabilize the call rates.
2. Controls the volume of money in the market.
Code:
(a) 1 only
(b) 2 only
(c) Both 1 and 2
(d) None
74. The certificate of Deposits are:
1. Issued at par to the face value.
2. Freely transferable after 45 days of their issue.
3. Having Maturity period between 3 months and 2 years.
Code:
(a) 1 only (b) 2 only
(c) 3 only (d) None
75. The Commercial papers (CPs) are the instruments of money market. These are:
1. Issued by companies having net worth of Rs. 5 crore.
2. Having Maturity between 3 months and 5 years.
3. Are issued at discount to the face value.
Code:
(a) 1 and 2 (b) 1 and 3
(c) 2 and 3 (d) None
1. The Narsimhan Committee recommended for the established of Regional Rural Banks (RRBs).
2. RRBs were established with the objective of Bridging the credit gap in rural areas.
3. The issued capital of RRBs is subscribed by the Union Government, the State Government and Sponsor banks in the proportion of 50 percent, 15 percent and 35 percent.
Code:
(a) 1 only
(b) 2 only
(c) 3 only
(d) 1, 2, and 3
52. Sahyog-Kaijin-XI is a:
(a) India-Japan Joint Coast Guard Exercise
(b) India-Japan Joint Naval Exercise.
(c) India-Srilanka Joint Coast Guard Exercise
(d) India-Srilanka Joint Naval Exercise
53. The Phobos Grunt was:
1. Mars probe mission of Russia.
2. Carrying Yinghua-1, first Mars probe of China.
Code:
(a) 1 only
(b) 2 only
(c) Both 1 and 2
(d) None
54. CRIS is a:
1. New Rating Index of India developed by Finance Ministry.
2. Rating that would consider GDP of 101 nation to provide rating.
Code:
(a) 1 only (b) 2 only
(c) Both 1 and 2 (d) None
55. Of the following the Mega Cluster of Handlooms is/are at:
1. Varanasi (U.P.)
2. Sivasagar (Assam)
3. Murshidabad (West Bengal)
Code:
(a) 1 only
(b) 2 only
(c) 3 only
(d) 1, 2, and 3
56. Identify the correct statement(s):
1. The representation of People's Amendment Act 2010 gives voting rights to overseas Indian Passport holders.
2. The Committee for Pravasi Baratiya Samman Award is chaired by the Prime Minister.
Code:
(a) 1 only
(b) 2 only
(c) Both 1 and 2
(d) None
57. GLOBAL-INK is:
1. An electronic platform developed by Ministry of External Affairs to connect people of Indian Origin from various discipline.
2. Operational since 2007 and will continue till 2012.
Code:
(a) 1 only (b) 2 only
(c) Both 1 and 2 (d) None
58. Lok Adalats are:
1. Given statutory status under the Legal Services Authority Act 1987.
2. For the purpose of taking up family disputes, Bank Recovery cases, Labour disputes.
3. Having same powers as that of a civil court and the decree of Lok Adalats is final and binding.
Code:
(a) 1 and 2 (b) 2 and 3
(c) 1 and 3 (d) None
59. Identify the correct statement(s):
1. The Coastal Regulation Zone (CRZ) under the Environment protection act has kept Mangrooves in CRZ-1.
2. Mangrooves in CRZ-1 are accorded the protection of the highest order.
Code:
(a) 1 only (b) 2 only
(c) Both 1 and 2 (d) None
60. Identify the correctly matched pair(s):
Scheme Ministry
1. Annapurana Rural Development
2. Village grain Bank Tribal Affairs
3. Mid-Day Meal Human Resource
Development
Code:
(a) 1 only (b) 2 only
(c) 3 only (d) 1, 2 and 3
61. The National Vector Borne Disease Control Programme Covers:
1. Dengue
2. Chikungunya
3. Japanese Encephalitis
4. AIDS
Code:
(a) 1, 2 and 3
(b) 2, 3 and 4
(c) 1, 3 and 4
(d) 1, 2 and 4
62. Identify the correct statements with respect to The National AIDS Control Programme (NACP):
1. NACP is a 100 Percent Centrally Sponsored Scheme.
2. The third phase of NACP is from 2007 to 2012.
3. The NACP focuses only on prevention of HIV infections in rural areas.
Code:
(a) 1 and 3 (b) 1 and 2
(c) 2 and 3 (d) None
63. Nisarga -Runa technology:
1. Is developed by Heavy Water Board.
2. Converts biodegradable solid waste into manure and methane.
Code:
(a) 1 only
(b) 2 only
(c) Both 1 and 2
(d) None
64. Identify the correct statement(s):
1. In stagflation the rate of inflation is high and rate of unemployment is low.
2. The GDP deflator is the ratio of GDP at current price to the GDP at constant price.
Code:
(a) 1 only
(b) 2 only
(c) Both 1 and 2
(d) None
65. Identify the correct statement(s):
1. The immediate objective of National Population Policy (NPP) is to bring the Total Fertility Rate to the replacement level of 2.1 by 2010
2. The long term objective of NPP is to stabilise population by 2045.
Code:
(a) 1 only
(b) 2 only
(c) Both 1 and 2
(d) None
66. Identify the correct statement(s):
1. The Rangarajan Committee has recommended for the abolition of distinction between Plan and Non-Plan expenditures.
2. The Usha Thorat Committee has recommended that asset classification norms for Non Banking Finance Companies should be at par with the Commercial banks.
Code:
(a) 1 only (b) 2 only
(c) Both 1 and 2 (d) None
67. The NTPC is setting up its first overseas Power Plant in:
(a) Srilanka at Sampur in Trincomalee.
(b) Bangladesh at Chittagong
(c) Bhutan at Thimpu
(d) Afghanistan at Kandahar
68. The goals of UN Millennium Development Goals is/are:
1. By 2015 halve the proportion of people without sustainable access to safe drinking water.
2. Eliminate Gender disparities at all levels of education by 2015.
Code:
(a) 1 only
(b) 2 only
(c) Both 1 and 2
(d) None
69. The Green Box Subsidies under WTO includes:
1. Disease Control Expenditure
2. Payments made to farmers that do not stimulate production.
3. Infrastructure expenditure
Code:
(a) 1 and 2 (b) 2 and 3
(c) 1 and 3 (d) All
70. Money multiplier is the ratio of:
1. M1 to M3
2. M1 and Reserve Money
3. M3 and Reserve Money
Code:
(a) 1 only (b) 2 only
(c) 3 only (d) 2 and 3
71. The benefits of Capital Account Convertibility is/are:
1. Reduction in the cost of Capital
2. Indians can acquire and hold International Securities
3. Availability of funds to supplement domestic resources.
Code:
(a) 1 and 2 (b) 2 and 3
(c) 1 and 2 (d) All
72. The conditions put forth by the Taropore Committee before the adoption of Capital Account convertibility is/are:
1. Fiscal deficit should be at most 3.5%.
2. Mandated Inflation target should be in between 3% and 5%.
3. Government should remove all restrictions on the movement of gold.
Code:
(a) 1 and 2 (b) 2 and 3
(c) 1 and 3 (d) All
73. Under the Liquid Adjustment Facility RBI:
1. Stabilize the call rates.
2. Controls the volume of money in the market.
Code:
(a) 1 only
(b) 2 only
(c) Both 1 and 2
(d) None
74. The certificate of Deposits are:
1. Issued at par to the face value.
2. Freely transferable after 45 days of their issue.
3. Having Maturity period between 3 months and 2 years.
Code:
(a) 1 only (b) 2 only
(c) 3 only (d) None
75. The Commercial papers (CPs) are the instruments of money market. These are:
1. Issued by companies having net worth of Rs. 5 crore.
2. Having Maturity between 3 months and 5 years.
3. Are issued at discount to the face value.
Code:
(a) 1 and 2 (b) 1 and 3
(c) 2 and 3 (d) None
Answers
51. (d)
52. (a)
53. (c)
54. (c)
55. (d)
56. (a)
57. (a)
58. (a)
59. (c)
60. (d)
61. (a)
62. (b)
63. (b)
64. (b)
65. (b)
66. (c)
67. (a)
68. (c)
69. (d)
70. (d)
71. (d)
72. (d)
73. (c)
74. (b)
75. (b)
General Studies MCQs - 10
26. The Coinage bill passed by
Lok Sabha will amalgamate:
1. The currency Ordinance, 1940.
2. The Indian Coinage Act, 1906.
3. The Small Coins (offences) Act, 1971.
Codes:
(a) 1 and 2 (b) 2 and 3
(c) 1 only (d) 1, 2 and 3
27. Consider the following statement and choose the correct option:
1. The Serious Fraud Investigation Office (SFIO) is under the Ministry of Corporate Affairs.
2. MCA21 e-governance project is implemented by the Ministry of Corporate Affairs.
Codes:
(a) 1 only
(b) 2 only
(c) Both 1 and 2
(d) None
28. The Multinational Poverty Index is:
1. A part of National Human Development Report.
2. A part of Human Development Report of UNDP.
3. Recommended by the Lakdawala Committee Report.
Codes:
(a) 1 and 3 (b) 2 only
(c) 1 only (d) 3 only
29. Identify the correct statement(s):
1. The Index of Industrial Production (IIP) is compiled on a quarterly basis.
2. The new series of IIP with base year 2004-05 was launched in 2011.
Code:
(a) 1 only (b) 2 only
(c) Both 1 and 2 (d) None
30. The World Investment Report is published by:
(a) World Economic Forum
(b) UNCTAD
(c) OECD
(d) G-8
31. Identify the correct statement(s):
1. The Madrid Protocol is associated with the registration of International Trade Marks.
2. India has acceded to the Madrid Protocol by notifying the Trade Mark (Amendment) Act 2010.
Code:
(a) 1 only (b) 2 only
(c) Both 1 and 2 (d) None
32. Identify the correct statement(s):
1. M3 is known as broad measure of money or aggregate monetary resources.
2. M1 is having more liquidity than M2.
Code:
(a) 1 only (b) 2 only
(c) Both 1 and 2 (d) None
33. The Viability Gap Funding Scheme:
1. Provides upto 20 percent of the total project cost.
2. Provides grants and loans to infrastructure projects undertaken though PPP.
Code:
(a) 1 only
(b) 2 only
(c) Both 1 and 2
(d) None
34. The India Infrastructure project Development Fund (IIDF) is:
1. Set up under the Department of Economic Affairs.
2. with an initial budgetary outlay of 200 crore rupees.
3. IIDF provides upto 75% of total expenditure in the form of grants.
Code:
(a) 1 and 2 (b) 2 and 3
(c) 1 and 3 (d) None
35. Of the following identify the Maharatna Central Public Sector Enterprises:
1. SAIL 2. BHEL
3. NTPC
Code:
(a) 1 and 3 (b) 2 and 3
(c) 1 and 2 (d) All
36. The Rashtriya Krishi Vikas Yojana was:
1. Launched to achieve 6% growth rate in agriculture sector in Xth Five Year Plan.
2. Provides Fund in the ratio of 75% grant and 25% loans to the state governments from the Central Government.
Code:
(a) 1 only (b) 2 only
(c) Both 1 and 2 (d) None
37. The Weather Based Crop Insurance Scheme (WBCIS) is:
1. Available only to small and marginal farmers.
2. Available to only those farmers who have taken loans from Scheduled Banks.
Code:
(a) 1 only
(b) 2 only
(c) Both 1 and 2
(d) None
38. The twenty points programme include(s):
1. Watershed development
2. Family Planning
3. National Rural Health Mission.
Code:
(a) 1 only
(b) 2 only
(c) 3 only
(d) 1, 2 and 3
39. The Duty Free Quota Free (DFQF) Scheme:
1. Is initiated by India in line with the WTO's Hong Kong Ministerial Mandate.
2. Is to provide access to all the least Developed Countries Products in the Indian Market.
Code:
(a) 1 only
(b) 2 only
(c) Both 1 and 2
(d) None
40. The country(ies) having participation in the India-EU Bilateral Trade Investment Agreement is/are:
1. Poland 2. Portugal
3. UK 4. Cyprus
Code:
(a) 1 and 2
(b) 2 and 3
(c) 1, 2, 3 and 4
(d) None
41. Identify the correct statement(s):
1. MMTC is India's second largest trading company.
2. MMTC has set up the Neelanchal Ispat Nigam Ltd. (NINL).
Code:
(a) 1 only (b) 2 only
(c) 3 only (d) None
42. The United Nations Frame Work classification for the reserves/resources of Minerals gives information regarding-
1. Economics Viability
2. Environment Viability
3. Social Viability
4. Geological Assessment.
Code:
(a) 1 and 4
(b) 2 and 3
(c) 2 and 4
(d) 1, 2, 3 and 4
43. Identify the correct statement(s):
1. The National Institute of Pharmaceutical Education and Research (NIPER) is an "Institute of National Importance" under an act of Parliament.
2. It operates under the aegis of Prime Ministers Office.
Code:
(a) 1 only
(b) 2 only
(c) Both 1 and 2
(d) None
44. Identify the correctly matched pair(s):
Institute Location
1. Central Institute of Chennai
Plastics Engineering
and Technology (CIPET)
2. Institute of Pesticide Gurgaon
Formulation Technology
3. Hindustan Organic Nagpur
Chemicals Ltd.
Code:
(a) 3 only
(b) 1 and 2
(c) 1, 2 and 3
(d) None
45. Of the given the statutory bodies are:
1. Central Silk Board
2. National Institute of Fashion Technology.
3. Khadi and Village Industries Commission
Code:
(a) 1 and 2
(b) 2 and 3
(c) 1 and 3
(d) 1, 2 and 3
46. The National Commission on Population is chaired by:
(a) Prime Minister
(b) Minister of Health and Family Welfare
(c) Minister of Home Affairs
(d) Deputy Chairman Planning Commission
47. Identify the correct statement(s):
1. The IMF promotes exchange stability among its members whereas the World Bank assists developing countries through long term financing of development projects.
2. The IMF allocates Special Drawing Rights to its member countries whereas World Bank provides special financial assistance through the International Development Association.
Code:
(a) 1 only
(b) 2 only
(c) Both 1 and 2
(d) None
48. Consider the following statements with respect to "One World" and choose the correct option:
1. It is a global airline alliance.
2. It's members are India's Kingfisher Airlines, Cathay Pacific, British Airway.
Code:
(a) 1 only
(b) 2 only
(c) Both 1 and 2
(d) None
49. Identify the correct statement(s):
1. The Polio virus multiplies in the intestine.
2. In 2011 Polio virus was endemic only in four countries viz. Afghanistan, India, Nigeria, and Pakistan.
Code:
(a) 1 only
(b) 2 only
(c) Both 1 and 2
(d) None
50. Identify the correct statement(s):
1. The Perform Achieve and Trade (PAT) Scheme is a component of the National Mission on Enhanced Energy Efficiency.
2. The PAT scheme is a market based mechanism to make improvements in energy efficiency.
3. Under PAT Scheme ESCert. (Energy Saving Certificate) are issued .
Code:
(a) 1 only (b) 2 only
(c) 3 only (d) 1, 2 and 3
1. The currency Ordinance, 1940.
2. The Indian Coinage Act, 1906.
3. The Small Coins (offences) Act, 1971.
Codes:
(a) 1 and 2 (b) 2 and 3
(c) 1 only (d) 1, 2 and 3
27. Consider the following statement and choose the correct option:
1. The Serious Fraud Investigation Office (SFIO) is under the Ministry of Corporate Affairs.
2. MCA21 e-governance project is implemented by the Ministry of Corporate Affairs.
Codes:
(a) 1 only
(b) 2 only
(c) Both 1 and 2
(d) None
28. The Multinational Poverty Index is:
1. A part of National Human Development Report.
2. A part of Human Development Report of UNDP.
3. Recommended by the Lakdawala Committee Report.
Codes:
(a) 1 and 3 (b) 2 only
(c) 1 only (d) 3 only
29. Identify the correct statement(s):
1. The Index of Industrial Production (IIP) is compiled on a quarterly basis.
2. The new series of IIP with base year 2004-05 was launched in 2011.
Code:
(a) 1 only (b) 2 only
(c) Both 1 and 2 (d) None
30. The World Investment Report is published by:
(a) World Economic Forum
(b) UNCTAD
(c) OECD
(d) G-8
31. Identify the correct statement(s):
1. The Madrid Protocol is associated with the registration of International Trade Marks.
2. India has acceded to the Madrid Protocol by notifying the Trade Mark (Amendment) Act 2010.
Code:
(a) 1 only (b) 2 only
(c) Both 1 and 2 (d) None
32. Identify the correct statement(s):
1. M3 is known as broad measure of money or aggregate monetary resources.
2. M1 is having more liquidity than M2.
Code:
(a) 1 only (b) 2 only
(c) Both 1 and 2 (d) None
33. The Viability Gap Funding Scheme:
1. Provides upto 20 percent of the total project cost.
2. Provides grants and loans to infrastructure projects undertaken though PPP.
Code:
(a) 1 only
(b) 2 only
(c) Both 1 and 2
(d) None
34. The India Infrastructure project Development Fund (IIDF) is:
1. Set up under the Department of Economic Affairs.
2. with an initial budgetary outlay of 200 crore rupees.
3. IIDF provides upto 75% of total expenditure in the form of grants.
Code:
(a) 1 and 2 (b) 2 and 3
(c) 1 and 3 (d) None
35. Of the following identify the Maharatna Central Public Sector Enterprises:
1. SAIL 2. BHEL
3. NTPC
Code:
(a) 1 and 3 (b) 2 and 3
(c) 1 and 2 (d) All
36. The Rashtriya Krishi Vikas Yojana was:
1. Launched to achieve 6% growth rate in agriculture sector in Xth Five Year Plan.
2. Provides Fund in the ratio of 75% grant and 25% loans to the state governments from the Central Government.
Code:
(a) 1 only (b) 2 only
(c) Both 1 and 2 (d) None
37. The Weather Based Crop Insurance Scheme (WBCIS) is:
1. Available only to small and marginal farmers.
2. Available to only those farmers who have taken loans from Scheduled Banks.
Code:
(a) 1 only
(b) 2 only
(c) Both 1 and 2
(d) None
38. The twenty points programme include(s):
1. Watershed development
2. Family Planning
3. National Rural Health Mission.
Code:
(a) 1 only
(b) 2 only
(c) 3 only
(d) 1, 2 and 3
39. The Duty Free Quota Free (DFQF) Scheme:
1. Is initiated by India in line with the WTO's Hong Kong Ministerial Mandate.
2. Is to provide access to all the least Developed Countries Products in the Indian Market.
Code:
(a) 1 only
(b) 2 only
(c) Both 1 and 2
(d) None
40. The country(ies) having participation in the India-EU Bilateral Trade Investment Agreement is/are:
1. Poland 2. Portugal
3. UK 4. Cyprus
Code:
(a) 1 and 2
(b) 2 and 3
(c) 1, 2, 3 and 4
(d) None
41. Identify the correct statement(s):
1. MMTC is India's second largest trading company.
2. MMTC has set up the Neelanchal Ispat Nigam Ltd. (NINL).
Code:
(a) 1 only (b) 2 only
(c) 3 only (d) None
42. The United Nations Frame Work classification for the reserves/resources of Minerals gives information regarding-
1. Economics Viability
2. Environment Viability
3. Social Viability
4. Geological Assessment.
Code:
(a) 1 and 4
(b) 2 and 3
(c) 2 and 4
(d) 1, 2, 3 and 4
43. Identify the correct statement(s):
1. The National Institute of Pharmaceutical Education and Research (NIPER) is an "Institute of National Importance" under an act of Parliament.
2. It operates under the aegis of Prime Ministers Office.
Code:
(a) 1 only
(b) 2 only
(c) Both 1 and 2
(d) None
44. Identify the correctly matched pair(s):
Institute Location
1. Central Institute of Chennai
Plastics Engineering
and Technology (CIPET)
2. Institute of Pesticide Gurgaon
Formulation Technology
3. Hindustan Organic Nagpur
Chemicals Ltd.
Code:
(a) 3 only
(b) 1 and 2
(c) 1, 2 and 3
(d) None
45. Of the given the statutory bodies are:
1. Central Silk Board
2. National Institute of Fashion Technology.
3. Khadi and Village Industries Commission
Code:
(a) 1 and 2
(b) 2 and 3
(c) 1 and 3
(d) 1, 2 and 3
46. The National Commission on Population is chaired by:
(a) Prime Minister
(b) Minister of Health and Family Welfare
(c) Minister of Home Affairs
(d) Deputy Chairman Planning Commission
47. Identify the correct statement(s):
1. The IMF promotes exchange stability among its members whereas the World Bank assists developing countries through long term financing of development projects.
2. The IMF allocates Special Drawing Rights to its member countries whereas World Bank provides special financial assistance through the International Development Association.
Code:
(a) 1 only
(b) 2 only
(c) Both 1 and 2
(d) None
48. Consider the following statements with respect to "One World" and choose the correct option:
1. It is a global airline alliance.
2. It's members are India's Kingfisher Airlines, Cathay Pacific, British Airway.
Code:
(a) 1 only
(b) 2 only
(c) Both 1 and 2
(d) None
49. Identify the correct statement(s):
1. The Polio virus multiplies in the intestine.
2. In 2011 Polio virus was endemic only in four countries viz. Afghanistan, India, Nigeria, and Pakistan.
Code:
(a) 1 only
(b) 2 only
(c) Both 1 and 2
(d) None
50. Identify the correct statement(s):
1. The Perform Achieve and Trade (PAT) Scheme is a component of the National Mission on Enhanced Energy Efficiency.
2. The PAT scheme is a market based mechanism to make improvements in energy efficiency.
3. Under PAT Scheme ESCert. (Energy Saving Certificate) are issued .
Code:
(a) 1 only (b) 2 only
(c) 3 only (d) 1, 2 and 3
Answers
26. (d)
27. (c)
28. (b)
29. (b)
30. (b)
31. (c)
32. (c)
33. (a)
34. (d)
35 (a)
36. (d)
37. (d)
38. (d)
39. (c)
40. (c)
41. (c)
42. (a)
43. (a)
44. (b)
45. (d)
46. (a)
47. (c)
48. (c)
49. (c)
50. (d)
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